Legal German Dictionary
legal german dictionary
|
|
Dictionary of Legal Terms $5.37 Updated to include new terms such as “civil union” and to incorporate recent changes in laws and judicial interpretations, this handy dictionary cuts through the complexities of legal jargon and presents definitions and explanations that can be understood by non-lawyers. Approximately 2,500 terms are given with definitions and explanations for the benefit of consumers, business proprietors, legal … |
|
|
A Dictionary of Modern Legal Usage (Oxford Dictionary of Modern Legal Usage) $18.96 Garner’s Dictionary of Modern Legal Usage gives authoritative guidance on all the vexing questions that legal writers face, from correcting grammatical errors to framing legal issues to distinguishing between similar but distinct legal terms. With great detail and care, Garner explains what legalese is, how it can be simplified, and how far legal writers can go in simplifying it. The topics are al… |
|
|
Barron’s Law Dictionary $12.62 Updated to reflect recent modifications in federal and state law, this book is a quick-reference source for lawyers, law students, legal professionals, and interested laypersons. The author defines more than 5,000 legal terms, using nontechnical language that remains legally accurate. Terms are documented with citations and apply to civil procedure, commercial and contract law, constitutional law,… |
My Spore Creatures
The interventionist role of Nigeria in the Liberian crisis: a model study Rpi
The interventionist role of Nigeria in the Liberian crisis: An Analysis Model RPI
Introduction to lead to a multiethnic society while committed to democratic principles or rules is an uphill task. This is due to the incorporation of various ethnic groups into a single political fold means bringing together the underlying problem of ethnic conflict. Group split loyalties a multi – ethnic society can, and undermine a common identity, culture or national consensus on democratic values. Any government that did not come to manage, host and process the divergent, uncoordinated demands placed upon it by the environment of ethnic conflict with the desired output layers and pending release the environment, is experiencing stubbornly call, cry and fight for the replacement of the structures that appear to conflict with the demands of the environment.
The perpetual cry for change is a function of dissatisfaction with experience in the area of distribution of resources. It has taken due note of the lack of access a, and the unequal distribution of scarce values is the master of the causes of any conflict in any society, meagrely developed, developing or developed societies.
The regularity of conflicts in Africa has become one of the hallmarks of the continent. Conflicts are usually in the forms of inter-state and intra-state wars. While inter-state wars are usually raised by the claims of borders due to the presence of resources economic in the disputed areas, ideological differences, and poor perception of leadership, instability within states is often lit by ethnic rivalry caused by ethnic or sectional marginalization and exclusion from political power, Osaghae believes that the latter factors are best expressed the intra-class rivalry Elite (1996, 98-102).
The consequences of conflict situations in the region include genocide, the arbitrary destruction of personal property, infrastructure and the refugee crisis. The level of destruction of the conflicts in Liberia made outside intervention a matter of humanitarian imperative. Since Liberia was undemocratic, therefore, had no constitutional mechanisms built for managing conflicts. This necessitated the external military assistance in solving of the crisis.
interventionist role of Nigeria in Liberia's civil war was ideologically understandable within the framework of the ECOWAS organization Standing Protocol on mutual assistance on defense and in compliance with their demands is defined foreign policy. To understand the external participation of Nigeria requires an analysis critical to the overall objectives of the foreign policy of Nigeria.
Objectives of the Foreign Policy of Nigeria
The foreign policy according to Reynolds is the range "of the actions of the government of a State in its relationship with other similar bodies supposedly acting on stage for advancing the interests of the nation "(1976). Assessing this definition, one might infer that the foreign policy of a state involves not only the interaction with other states but also the relations with international non-government agencies, both governmental and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Rosenau sees foreign policy as "actions that governments take authorized or pledged to adopt in order to preserve the desirable traits of the international environment or modify their undesirable effects "(1974:6). Kolawole (1997) also lends his voice when he insists that" the orientation of a nation's foreign policy is informed by what is considered their national interests. "
In general, the most powerful tool of measuring foreign policy of a nation is its stated objectives of foreign policy. Article 19 of the 1979 Nigerian Constitution, saliently articulated their goals and the defense of country's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, restoration of human dignity worldwide Blackman, the establishment of necessary conditions and economic policies in Africa, promoting and improving the economic welfare of all citizens of Nigeria, and the promotion of world peace (Kolawole, 1997).
A major concern in Nigeria, based on these objectives, the welfare of Nigerians, the imperative of justice for all and peaceful and secure world in which conflicts are resolved amicably. These values are prioritized aspiration makers in three concentric circles. The narrowness of the circles indicates the priorities of the nation's security, attitudes and responses to foreign policy issues within Africa and the rest the world. The inner circle has more than Nigeria. Nigeria's neighbors and the West African subregion to take second, while the third belongs to other layers African States (Buhari, 1984:2; Ajayi: 1998: 179).
This prioritization means that defense planners and security must be sensitive to the behavior, capabilities and plans of the countries that fall within these limits concentric values.
The second circle, which has the ECOWAS States, is strategic to Nigeria, for several reasons. One, Nigeria is a member of ECOWAS and Liberia. Therefore anything happen to any of its members will be of great interest to Nigeria. Two, it is dangerous for the country to ignore any major crisis in the sub-region its indirect effects. Such effects may include the influx of refugees and the contagious nature of the crisis as events in Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi, Zaire and Congo Kinshasa clearly shown. This is due to the ease with which the conflict spreads in Africa. Three, any crisis in the sub-region disrupt the achievement of the objectives economic integration of ECOWAS. Any prolonged conflict in the sub-region is limited and rigidity to the overall economic growth and development of each state. Finally, by their position in terms of economic status, military capabilities, the ethnic pluralism, the ability and the prevalence population, Nigeria occupies a status leadership in the sub-region. This requires it to be an observer of events in the area. An examination of their roles in Liberia and Sierra Leone "adequately reflect the hierarchical objectives. The Historical Study of the Liberian crisis
One permanent attribute of nearly all African states is its multiethnic character. Like other states of the continent, Liberia is characterized by its ethnic diversity. Osaghae noted that Liberia includes the two broad ethnic formations: the Americo-Liberians and are composed of indigenous ethnic groups like the Krahn, Kpelle, Kru, Kissi, and De Bassa (1996:10).
The Americo-Liberians have been dominating the political arena since independence in 1847. This is contradictory! One, who constitute nearly 2.9% of the 1.5 million estimated the country's population in 1974 (Osaghae, 1996). The second, which are not indigenous control of political structures and socio-economic status, which denies the principles of true independence as stated a. Three, Liberia seems to have gained independence since 1847, but its continued domination by foreigners has led both to the absolute exclusion of non-indigenous until the government led by the president, William Tolbert, an Americo-Liberian rebellion against Samuel Doe.
Doe's government was marked by arbitrariness and despotism to the extent that later becomes a civilian president in an election fraudulently facing stiff opposition. Samuel Doe Liberia ruled in a manner oppressive. The situation became tense and unbearable that culminated in civil war led by Charles Taylor in 1989. This marked the beginning of the war fratricidal civil in the country.
The war continued and became uncontrollable. "As the war progressed, and increase the hardships, broke discipline among the Armed Forces of Liberia and the rebel troops began indiscriminately kidnapping foreign citizens "(Nwolise, 1992:58)." The massacre took place, destroying public property and the danger posed by foreigners, attracted the attention of the international community "(Ajayi, 1998: 181).
Although the civil war took place in Liberia, neighboring countries felt the effect. Apart from the fact that foreigners were killed, The influx of refugees to countries like Sierra Leone, Ghana and Nigeria was remarkable. It is on this note that one looks into the involvement of "the entry of the idea," and actual participation in conflict resolution "from Nigeria.
Full Participation in Nigeria to resolve the crisis, the conflict in Liberia became a concern not only for indigenous people (Liberians), but also to neighboring nations and the continent. Nigeria's participation in the "entry the idea "to resolve the Liberian crisis has its roots in the 13th meeting of the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government held in the 28 to 30 May 1990 in Gambia. According to Ajayi (1998:183-184), "President Babangida of Nigeria, scrutiny of a community mediation committee standing to intervene in the Liberian conflict "The mediation committee consists of Nigeria, Ghana, Lone Leone and Guinea as aspired by the Authority. This marked the birth of the" ceasefire ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) including military troop committee members were attracted to restore and maintain peace in Liberia "(Ajayi, 1998). With respect to ECOMOG, the aforementioned countries in terms of military strength and the ability to weld donated. This led Nigeria to approximately 80% of the total composition ECOMOG (Shanon and Ebrahim, 2000:14-15). Nigerian Apart from this, the chief of staff since its inception, it has been. This could explain why Randall Robinson (1996) noted that "Nigeria is a great country with the hope of Africa. If the work of Nigeria, Africa come." The success of ECOMOG in Liberia, led in Nigeria has shown over the nomination.
Thus the "real participation in conflict resolution, which began in August 1990. In the words of former Nigerian President Ibrahim Babangida, "unless it stops, the killing in that country (Liberia) would spread to neighboring countries, leading no external intervention in Africa and so decided to send troops to participate in this laudable mission of peace "(African Guardian, 1991:10).
The former president said that Africa should not wait for the interventionist role of the international force of peacekeepers of the international organization as the United Nations Together before addressing a problem in the region. Hence it is relevant to African leaders to take the lead right on the problems of the region.
A remarkable fact is that all Nigerian leaders are realizing the importance of peace in the subregion. This is what prompted Babangida's successor, the late General Sani Abacha to continue the mission of peacekeeping in the sub-region. For him, "the question of peace in West Africa sub-region to replace the economic interest of individual states, since there can be no economic progress without peace in the region (West Africa 1995: 586).
Rationality, power and ideology (RPI) Model: A Concept and an operating system
The three key concepts of this model needs to be conceptualized and launched to help place in context and perspective to the subject of study. Rationality, power and ideology interact in a complex process of shaping policies public in any political system. Although many approaches have been developed and presented to understand why the government has the option A instead of B. Why it takes more than Option B, at the expense of Option A. For example, it was considered that the approach to explaining institutional problems and troubleshooting focus exclusively on the institutions of government as the major policy makers. Congress, the executive, the courts and bureaucracy are the main institutions dealing with issues of public policy. The institutional perspective, however, presents only a perception of policy formulation. creation Public policy can also be understood and seen from other frames of reference. Institutional Perspectives of policy is most old, has outgrown its usefulness and should be replaced, therefore, the development and subsequent adoption of the RPI model of policymaking.
There are a number of policies made by the government. This, for convenience and the choice of this work is broadly divided into two, namely, domestic politics and foreign policy. The latter is the focus and concern of this study. The aim of this work therefore will move to the three entrances to foreign policy in Nigeria. There is some interaction and interrelationship, in a complex way, between these three inputs in shaping Nigeria's foreign policy. It is therefore Germany to set the model in order to meet operational analysis tools. What is a model?
A model has been defined as "a abstraction or representation of political life that serves to: 1. Order and simplification of reality. 2. Identify what is significant. 3. Provide meaningful communication. 4. Direct research and, 5. Suggest explanations "(Thomas Dye, 1995, 40-41). It is also conceptual frameworks or lenses to view a series of events" (Steven G. etals, 1998:11). Usually, a model is a guide for dealing with reality. Capture the actual characteristics of reality. Model should however not be confused with reality. There is a description of reality but a representation of it. It simplifies reality, but reality is more complex. A good model should be consistent to produce results. From guides model, making it a simpler form of reality.
Having conceptualized model, it is important to the practical contributions to policy formulation in relation to foreign policy towards Nigeria. Due to the divergence in policy issues outside Nigeria, the interest of this work moves to interventionist role of Nigeria in Liberia by ECOMOG.
RPI model of the traditional institutional approach as it examines the influence of three entries in the policy. RPI model holds that the tickets of political rationality, power and influence the ideology of the key players in the foreign policy of Nigeria. A model institutional difference, rationality, power and ideology are dependent and coordinate, in which they interact each other in a complex process that affects, and to exercise political influence.
Rationality refers to the ability to assimilate and accept the presence conflicting factors in a given situation. In a context of rational decision making, what happens is the constant process of moderating the bias and subjective disparity decision making by the immediate introduction of appropriate information and willingness to use that information. The rationality encourages the use of experts who monitor program effectiveness through sound techniques and make recommendations for periodic changes. Rationality implies connotes objectivity and the objectivity of the availability and use of relevant and reliable information in formulating foreign policy.
Rationality emphasizes objectivity, technical and cost-effect in defining their goals. The main focus is the cost and benefit. Corroborating this, one scholar has argued that "the calculation and consideration of benefits and costs are important components of rationality. The rationality of entry depends largely on the empirical analysis and methodological tools, such as statistics, scientific procedures and experimental design "(Williams, 1994). In view of rationality, politics refers to:
(I) setting goals
(Ii) identification and listing of options / alternatives.
(Iii) evaluation and
(Iv) improving option
Policy can also be studied or viewed from the perspective of power. The key players in this perspective are the various interest groups citizens, government and influential people who exert considerable political influence through lobbying, voting, public settings or contributing to political campaigns. Several groups interact in complex ways to influence policy output. Power input is linked to the actors special interests who want to gain personal benefits, in contrast to the entry of rationality that strives to maximize the collective benefit or benefits to all, to a given amount of resources.
The policy also can be seen from the perspective of ideology. The ideology has the power to change perception of the world due to its general acceptance, stability and policy trends. Their values have been acquired and accepted as standards to be met. The emphasis in the acceptance, faith without evidence, belief without evidence. Ideology refers to the belief systems that simplify the complexity and the form of points of view how the world (Steven et als, 1998).
One scholar has recovered the final product of the ideology when it identifies three important ways of ideology "To refer to very specific types of beliefs, to refer to beliefs that are, in some cases distorted or false, to refer to any set of beliefs, ranging from scientific knowledge, religion, everyday beliefs about right conduct, whether such respective beliefs are true or false "(Nicholas et al, 1988:118). ideological input is associated with "emotional rewards rather than profits and materials with polarized environments involving many participants in the continuing debate "(Nicholas et al, 1988:118).
Rationality and foreign policy interventionist role of Nigeria in Liberia through ECOMOG
If certain attributes of rationality include objectivity, technical expertise, availability of relevant and reliable data (information), cost-effect etc, then, the reasons for the intervention of Nigeria in Liberia should reflect these attributes. To assess, identify and understand this, try to analyze the practical factors that have motivated the intervention of Nigeria. The available evidence shows that the intervention of Nigeria is as a result of implementation of its foreign policy objectives, the objectives in this context, connotes an ideology rather than rationality, as it is, and focuses on emotion. In addition, researchers have shown that factors Highlights included "the carnage in the sticking points is enough to evoke feelings of humanity, Nigeria has a multi-million dollar investments oil and solid minerals in Liberia and President Samuel Doe, then, was a close friend of General Babangida, the then Head of State "(Ajayi, 1989: 184). The first factor centers on the issue of humanitarianism, which is ideological in nature, while the second is on economic and personal gains, and third is the power and ideology.
The second reason to be economic (investment) can be produced from the question of rationality and to be drawn from it. In this regard, it leaves more questions than answers. Investment in Liberia is proportional with 1,000 lives lost, the psychological effect of the and an estimated "$ 8billion" lost in pursuing foreign war that was none of their decisions? "(Vanguard: 2003:11). So what is rational in Nigeria's decision to give asylum to Taylor? Nigerian people are consulted in the form of opinion poll before the Nigerian troops were dispatched to Liberia? Is there something rational for a country that is flooded, and is characterized by a high external debt, poverty, inflation, religious intolerance, increased oil prices products, youth unrest in the Niger Delta scandal etc for such an enormous amount of money in a foreign land because of the self-styled ideology?
We know that rationality has multiple bases (I) technical rationality (ii) economic rationality (iii) legal rationality, and (iv) the rationale social. Given the legal rationale, Taylor should have been delivered to the international criminal court for prosecution. Of these four multiple bases rationality, the intervention of Nigeria could not be adequately explained that is at the point of view of rationality.
Power, Ideology and the interventionist role of Nigeria in Liberia through the ECOMOG Crisis
It was discovered that saliently Nigeria has since been using more power and ideology in his approach to foreign policy. Not that Nigeria has not applied rationality in any of its foreign policy approaches. After all, the transfer of some communities and villages to Cameroon in Bakkassi Peninsula is a decision that may explained by legal rationality. But a greater percentage of their foreign policy approaches best way to see through the power and ideology. Speaking power, power can be divided into three namely: the ruling class, the power elite and pluralism.
Supporters of the ruling class believes that a policy of government (whether domestic or foreign) is a reflection of the personal idiosyncrasies of the ruling class. The statement by the leader of this structure is offered by Gaetano Mosca, who argues that every society divided into two classes: those who govern and the governed. This type of class dominates government institutions, has most of the wealth of country, but is 0.5 to 1.0 percent of the population of any country (Steven et al, 1998). power elite member of the group who commands the major hierarchies institutions and organizations of modern society: large corporations, government and military. While pluralism is a situation where power and the opportunity for disperse wider participation to the individual groups.
Power stressed economic / personal benefits while ideology is emotions. The president's decision to restore Sao Tome president stems from the ideological perspective of the foreign policy objectives of Nigeria. In addition, the decision to grant asylum to Taylor is explainable and understandable through the opinion of the ruling class from power. If plural, the people of Nigeria who have been consulted and their points of view adopted in final form and unchanged.
Conclusion
Using the RPI model, it would appear that the intervention appeared power and ideology rather than from the perspective of rationality. It is advisable however that Nigeria takes the rationality in their approach to the vital questions of policy outside, as the intervention in Liberia and Sierra Leone due to the economic effect on the economy of Nigeria and economic development. On Tuesday, June 23, 2009, Nigeria Senate debated and then approved a request by the President granting soft loans of $ 10 million to Sao Tome at the critical point of economic recession. Many Nigerians go to bed hungry, a high unemployment rate and the deplorable condition of roads in Nigeria. infrastructure facilities are virtually absent. In this situation, the loan to another country can not be said to be rational, but a reflection of the objective of foreign policy of Nigeria and personal relationship that is ideological in nature.
It is an indisputable fact that ECOWAS through its military wing – ECOMOG – had once again succeeded in restoring peace in Liberia against all odds. Constitutional or unconstitutional, legal or extralegal, ECOWAS, indeed Nigeria, has won a greater recognition in the international market system in the field of peace. But the conviction of this work is that it is more convenient, if not more reasonable to meet domestic needs before playing the role of "big brother" in Africa. As the country's position and its relevance in the international system is not measured by how in keepings many involved in peace as a country, but their level of technological development, economic viability, military capabilities, political stability and leadership visionary and focused support and citizenship. To accomplish this, therefore, there must be internal cleaning by reducing the level of corruption, zero tolerance for poverty, sincerity of purpose on the part of management, infrastructure development and a vibrant electoral system that guarantees one man one vote, and respect for individual rights.
References
Abbah, T. (2003) "The mess left behind Taylor, Punch, April 21.
Ajayi, K. (1998) "Nigeria's peacekeeping role in Liberia and Sierra Leone" in Kolawole
(Ed) Problems the Nigerian government and politics. Akure, Editors Steebal.
Amadu, S. (1992) "Security and Sub ECOMOG in West Africa" in conflicts
Trends, Issues 3.
Buhari, M. (1984) "On the foreign policy of Nigeria, the ECOWAS National Interest"
Nigeria Journal of International Affairs, vol. 110. No. 2.
Fawole, WF (1999) The paranoia, hostility and Challenge: General Sani Abacha and 'New'
Nigerian Foreign Policy. Ile-Ife, Obafemi Awolowo University Press Ltd.
Kolawole, D. (1997) Readings in Political Sciences Ibadan, Editors Dekaal.
Lamido, S. (2000) "The main thrust of Nigeria's foreign policy," National Concord,
22 February.
Nicholas A. (1988) Dictionary of Sociology. London, Pengium, Stephen H. and Books.
Nwolise, WW (1992) "The internationalization of the Liberian crisis and its Effects on
West Africa "in MA Vogt et al (eds) The Liberian crisis and ECOMOG: A Bold
I try to keep the Regional Peace. Gabumo Publishing Co. Ltd.
Obasanjo, O. (2001) Speech at the 1999 Annual Dinner of the Institute of Nigeria Pattern
International Affairs, Abuja.
Ojo, O. (1990) "Sponsorship and Memebrship of ECOWAS" in Gabriel, O. and
Akindele, RA (eds.) The structure and process of policy formulation and External Relations
in Nigeria, from 1960 to 1990. Ibadan Application Pub ventage Ltd.
Osaghae, EE (1996) Ethnicity, class and the struggle for state power in Liberia. Dakar,
ODESTRIA.
Rosenau, J. (1974) Comparative Foreign Policy. New York, John Wiley
Steven, GK et al (1998) American Public Policy: The Program Contemporary New York.
Boston Houghton Mifflin Company.
About the Author
I hold B.Sc in political Science and M.Sc in Public Administration from the University of Ibadan, Nigeria. I am currently a doctoral candidate in the dept of political science, university of ibadan. I lecture at the Rufus Giwa Polytechnic, Owo, Ondo State, Nigeria.
|
|
Dictionary of Legal Terms $5.37 Updated to include new terms such as “civil union” and to incorporate recent changes in laws and judicial interpretations, this handy dictionary cuts through the complexities of legal jargon and presents definitions and explanations that can be understood by non-lawyers. Approximately 2,500 terms are given with definitions and explanations for the benefit of consumers, business proprietors, legal … |
|
|
A Dictionary of Modern Legal Usage (Oxford Dictionary of Modern Legal Usage) $18.96 Garner’s Dictionary of Modern Legal Usage gives authoritative guidance on all the vexing questions that legal writers face, from correcting grammatical errors to framing legal issues to distinguishing between similar but distinct legal terms. With great detail and care, Garner explains what legalese is, how it can be simplified, and how far legal writers can go in simplifying it. The topics are al… |
|
|
Barron’s Law Dictionary $12.62 Updated to reflect recent modifications in federal and state law, this book is a quick-reference source for lawyers, law students, legal professionals, and interested laypersons. The author defines more than 5,000 legal terms, using nontechnical language that remains legally accurate. Terms are documented with citations and apply to civil procedure, commercial and contract law, constitutional law,… |